By Tajha Chappellet-Lanier
Staff Writer
Has Germany hit upon an ingenious way of aligning itself with the exclusive group of the Permanent Five members of the United Nations Security Council?
Renewed interest in reform of the UNSC followed the latest round of negotiations over Syria in September. Critics of the Security Council point to the undeniable change in world power structures since the founding of the Council in 1948 and question whether such potent international power is rightly placed solely in the hands of the WWII victors. And these critics have a point—there is not one South American or African nation with a permanent seat in the SC, while the “West” is solidly represented by the US, the UK, and France, and the “East” by powerhouses Russia and China.
In mid-October the so-called “P5+1” group met with Iran in Geneva to discuss Iran’s nuclear program. Formed in 2006, the P5+1 consists of, as the name suggests, the permanent five members of the UN Security Council—The United States, Russia, France, Great Britain, and China—as well as Germany. The group meets sporadically with representatives from Iran with the ultimate aim being a nuclear agreement acceptable to both Iranian and Western leadership.
Of course, the presence of the P5 nations in this contact group makes immanent sense. These are the nations with the greatest power to make internationally recognized and binding resolutions on the state of Iran, and the relation of the rest of the world to Iran. Without the agreement of these five nations, at least tacitly, the international community is powerless to act on Iran in a way proscribed by international law. But what is Germany doing at the negotiating table?
The stated reason, of course, references Germany’s strong economic ties with Iran. Germany is the country in Europe most affected by the far-reaching economic sanctions on Iran, and the difficulties that come with these. Thus, argues P5+1 literature, Germany’s presence at negotiations also makes sense. As true as this may be, Germany’s privileged negotiating position, alongside the P5, could also be seen with envy by other nations protesting the power distribution of the UNSC. The issue of a nuclear Iran is one of the biggest issues currently facing the international community, one on which all members hold an opinion. But not all nations get to voice this opinion at the highest levels of negotiation.
While far from guaranteed, a successful outcome of negotiations in the P5+1 group could do wonders for Germany’s reputation in international conflict resolution. Germany’s inclusion in this contact group gives it a unique opportunity to prove its utility and prowess within the P5 group. And in the unlikely scenario in which UNSC reform becomes a reality, it seems very probable that the P5 would choose to increase their ranks by drawing from a pool of proven candidates. Germany, having successfully participated in negotiations with Iran, could hold a distinguished place in that pool.
Does Germany have a strategy at play beyond the P5+1 group? All speculation notwithstanding, the group has planned to meet again later in the month. It will be interesting to keep an eye on the role of Germany as negotiations continue to unfold.
Tajha Chappellet-Lanier, class of 2014, is a Politics and Law major from Big Sur, California, United States.
